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Elizabeth Eisenstein’s Printing Press
By Frank W. Elwell
While Gerhard Lenski and Jarred Diamond capture the grand sweep of the
social evolutionary process, historian Elizabeth Eisenstein has focused
upon a single technological innovation and traced its impact on the rest
of the sociocultural system. In elaborate detail, she traces the
beginnings of the communications revolution started by the invention of
the printing press. She successfully demonstrates two principles of
ecological-evolutionary theory:
Modernity, Eisenstein claims, is too indefinite a concept for careful
scholarship. Rather, she examines the effects of a “communications
revolution” on a variety of social movement in sixteenth century Europe.
While many look to the discovery of the New World, or class struggle and
the triumph of capitalism, or the scientific revolution, or the schism
of Christianity to explain the turmoil and innovation of that century,
Eisenstein looks to the printing press as the primary agent of change.
Eisenstein claims that the impact of the new print technologies on
medieval life beginning in the 1450s was profound.
By 1500 she writes that every
major city in Europe had at least one printer’s workshop (43-44). The
focus of her historical analysis is on the effects of these early print
shops on the social structure and culture of Europe over the next 100
years.
Many of these print shops brought together scholars and craftsmen, and
served as a bridge between universities and cities. These workshops were
also capitalist enterprises and training new occupational groups,
utilizing
new technologies and developing new techniques; they were constantly
seeking new markets to increase their profits and expanding their
enterprises. Eisenstein characterizes the relationship as one of the
shops serving a coordinating function for scholarly, religious, state,
and scientific activities while producing commodities for profit. As
such, these shops represent a new destabilizing force in Europe, both in
their organization and in their products.
As capitalist enterprises with consequent increases in overhead, and
debt the printer must constantly search for ways to expand his markets
in order to increase his profit. In many of these shops job-printing
accompanied book printing in which printers would produce commercial
advertising, official documents, propaganda for the state and the
church, seditious material for radicals (thin Communist Manifesto) , as
well as the necessary documents for state and private bureaucracies.
There were a variety of motives behind the power of the press in 16th
century Europe—profit, evangelical, individual fame, bureaucratic
necessity, and extending the power of the state all among them. In this
sense, Eisenstein states, the press is not a single technological
innovation that changes everything, but rather an invention that could
be used by the church and state, capitalists and scholars to further
their interests. Early printers were in a unique position in regard to
other commercial enterprises, Eisenstein asserts, because in seeking to
expand their own product line they also “contributed to, and profited
from, the expansion of other commercial enterprises” (60).
In a different culture, she asserts, the technology may have been used
for very different ends, or perhaps entirely suppressed (702-703).
Accordingly, institutional context is important when considering
technological innovation. It also specifically points to the importance
of the material interests of elites. Early printers were effective
change agents, but only in combination with other institutional forces.
This function of communications as a catalyst makes printing different
from other innovations.
The major impact of the printing press is, of course, the marked
increase in the number of books that were made available to reading
publics. While scribal errors in writing, mathematics, charts, graphs,
and inferior maps continued to be printed after the advent of the press,
a process had begun to address these errors with more surety, and far
greater confidence could eventually be placed in the accuracy of the
record (686, 699). “The fact that identical images, maps and diagrams
could be viewed simultaneously by scattered readers constituted a kind
of communications revolution in itself” (53). Readers had more sources
to draw from and thus a greater diversity of views, facts,
contradictions, observations, theories, drawings, illustrations, and
maps to heighten their “awareness of anomalies or discontent with
inherited schemes” (686).
The long and uneven spread of literacy after the invention of printing
occurs over the next several centuries (indeed, is still occurring). A
knowledge explosion occurs in the 16th century, and although
this explosion is often attributed to the discovery of the New World,
the Reformation, or the rise of science, Eisenstein believes that access
to a greater variety of books deserves at least equal attention. The
increase in texts and literacy exposed ever greater numbers to classical
literature as well as cross-cultural information, discoveries, religious
beliefs, philosophies, fashion, and ways of thinking in societies
geographically remote from Europe. Such a sudden abundance of
literature—often contradictory or novel to established patterns and
though in such traditional societies—created great intellectual ferment
in 16th century
Europe.
Printed material, Eisenstein claims, also facilitates problem-solving
and directly affects the life of the mind (689). Along with Marshal
McLuhan, Eisenstein speculates that the format and presentation of
books—from scanning lines of print from left to right, to chapter
organization, presentation of argument, arrangements of facts—may well
serve to affect the thought patterns of readers (88-89). Printing also
helped to codify and standardize languages, thus giving aid to national
identities as well as the centralization of the state. Finally, printing
serves the function of “amplifying and reinforcing” norms, values,
beliefs, and ideologies (126).
Printing also contributed to the fragmentation of Christianity. With the
advent of print religious divisions become more permanent. Heresy, and
its condemnation, she writes, becomes more fixed in the minds of
followers; religious edits more “visible” and “irrevocable” (118-119).
The study of scripture became more individualized and fragmented the
religious beliefs and experiences of Christians, helping to start wars,
heresy trials, and intolerance of other beliefs, a result very different
form the effect of printing on science (701).
The advent of printing also contributed greatly to the spread of
individualism in the West. Because of the dearth of written materials a
scribal culture required communal gatherings to receive messages from
government or church. With the advent of the mass duplication of printed
materials these messages could be given directly to individual readers.
This leads to a weakening of the social bond with local groups, but
gives opportunity for allegiance and attachments to larger collectives
(say the nation state or socialism).
“Printed
materials encouraged silent adherence to causes whose advocates could
not be found in any one parish and who addressed an invisible public
from afar. New forms of group identity began to compete with an older,
more localized nexus of loyalties” (132). Over time printers began to
differentiate the markets for their printed materials to better target
the reading tastes of males and females, newly created occupational
groups (due to an increasing division of labor), as well as different
age groups.
The latter, combined with newly established schools for youth,
served to create distinctive
youth cultures for children and, somewhat later, adolescence (133-134).
In general, the marketing of printed materials to specific groups serves
to further differentiate their social experience, beliefs, interests,
ideologies, and values from one another. A process that has been
“amplified and reinforced” as the communications revolution has
continued (158-159).
While Eisenstein’s focus was on the communications revolution that
occurred in sixteenth century Europe, the revolution has continued with
the development of metal presses, the harnessing of steam and then
electricity to the presses, the development of photography, telegraph,
telephone, Linotype, radio, television, computers, and the Internet.
“Since the advent of movable type, an enhanced capacity to store and
retrieve, preserve and transmit has kept pace with an enhanced capacity
to create and destroy, to innovate or outmode. The somewhat chaotic
appearance of modern Western culture owes much, if not more, to the
duplicative powers of print as it does to the harnessing of new powers
in the past century” (704).
Macrosociology is steeped in evolutionism; there is much common ground
among its practitioners regarding the material foundations of
sociocultural systems: environment, population, technology, and the
division of labor. Eisenstein’s exploration of the effects of
technological innovation in communications technology on the rest of the
sociocultural system stands as an excellent example of the power and
scope of materialist theory.
For a more extensive discussion of Eisenstein’s Theory read from her
books. Also see
Sociocultural
Systems: Principles of Structure and Change
to learn how her insights contribute to a fuller understanding
of modern societies.
References:
Eisenstein, Elizabeth. 1980. The Printing Press as an Agent of
Change, Vols. 1 & 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Elwell, Frank. 2013. Sociocultural Systems: Principles of Structure
and Change. Canada: Athabasca University Press.
To reference Elizabeth Eisenstein's Printing Press you should use the
following format:
Elwell, Frank W. 2013. "Elizabeth Eisenstein's Printing Press,”
Retrieved August 31, 2013 [use actual date]
http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/~felwell/Theorists/Essays/Eisenstein1.htm
©2005 Frank Elwell, Send comments to felwell at rsu.edu |